Before the case which can be said mild religious conflict Ahok sticking out, far earlier in Indonesia also had a terrible religious conflict. Where at that time, the conflict took the lives of thousands of people. The conflict was known as Poso Conflict .
Background Poso Conflict
Conflict in Poso is one of the conflicts in Indonesia that has not been resolved to date. Although already several resolutions offered, but it can not guarantee security in Poso. Various kinds of conflicts continue to emerge in Poso. Although in general the conflicts that occurred in Poson is religious background, but if we examine further, then we will find various interest groups that color the conflict.
Poso is a district in Central Sulawesi. When viewed from the diversity of the population, Poso belongs to a fairly diverse area, in addition there are indigenous tribes who inhabit Poso, tribal immigrants were many domiciled in Poso, such as from Java, Batak, bugis and so forth.
Indigenous tribes in Poso, similar to the surrounding areas, Morowali and Tojo Una Una, are Toraja people. According to Albert Kruyt there are three large groups of Toraja who settled in Poso. First, Toraja Barat or often called Toraja Pargi-Kaili. The second is Toraja Timur or Toraja Poso-Tojo, and the third is South Toraja called also Toraja Sa'dan premises. The first group is domiciled in Central Sulawesi, while for the third group is located in South Sulawesi. For the poso region itself, it is divided into two major groups. The first is Poso tojo who speak Bare'e and the second is Toraja Parigi-kaili. But for the first group it does not have the same language as the first group.
Judging from the religious context, Poso is divided into two major religious groups, Islam and Christianity. Before the pemekaran, Poso was dominated by Islam, but after experiencing the division into Morowali and Tojo Una Una, it dominated Christianity. In addition there are still many adherents of religions based on ethnicity, especially in rural areas. Islam in this case goes to Sulawesi, and especially Poso, first. Only then was Christian followed into Poso.
This diversity is one of the most frequent loudspeakers of riots in Poso. Whether it is social-cultural riots, or religious background riots, as claimed during the Poso riots of 1998 and the 2000 riots. Religion seems to be the vehicle and the reason for tendesius for their own interests.
The beginning of the Poso conflict occurred after the election of the regent in December 1998. There was a religious syntax behind the election. With the win of the couple Piet I and Mutholib Rimi time can not be separated from the identity of religion and tribe[1] .For further the religion is made a fairy tedeng on every conflict that occurred in Poso. Minor perseturuan, a kind of fight between the persona can be a trigger of unrest there. For example, there are two youths involved in a fight. One is Muslim and the other is Christian. Because one party suffers a defeat, there is a feeling of not receiving between the two. After that one, or even both, report the matter to their respective groups, and there is a riot involving many people and even groups.
Prior to the outbreak of the conflict in December 1998 and followed by several further conflicts, Poso had experienced tensions between religious communities (Muslims and Christians) in 1992 and 1995. 1992 was the result of Rusli Lobolo (a former Muslim, Soewandi who is also a former Muslim) is considered blasphemous of Islam, calling Muhammad the Prophet of Islam is not the Prophet let alone the Apostle. While the events of February 15, 1995 occurred due to throwing mosques and madrassas in the village of Tegalrejooleh a group of Christian youth from the village of Mandale. This incident received resistance and reprisals of young Muslims from Tegalrejo and Lawanga by destroying houses in the village of Mandale. These "small" riots were then muffled by the New Order security apparatus,
Indeed, after the events of 1992 and 1995, people returned to life fairly. But along with the collapse of the New Order, complete with the weak role of "security forces" who are being sued in all sectors through various issues, Poso riots erupt again, even in successive and more massive. The beginning of the unrest occurred in December 1998, the second conflict occurred in April 2000, shortly after the second riot occurred again the third riot in May-June 2000. the conflict continued with the fourth riot in July 2001; and fifth in November 2001. These events show a linkage between each other, so riots are scrutinized in the context of volumes one to five.[2]
However, the Poso conflict pattern is too complex to analyze only based on that sequence, intensifying the extent and extensity of the region and the perpetrators of the conflict between stages showing very basic differences. There are several patterns of riots that can be seen in the unrest in Poso. Firstly, the unrest in Poso usually started in Poso city and further spread to areas around Poso. The Poso region of the city the existence of religious composition relative balanced and equal. Secondly, the riots that occurred in the city center were followed by massive mobility, coming from outside Poso, even from outside the Poso district. When the first and second riots erupted, the crowds entered the city of Poso coming from Ampana sub-district, Parigi, lage, Pamona, and even from Donggala district. When the third riot erupted, mass mobilization was even more explosive, and much larger than the mobs who came in first and second riots.
The third pattern is that riots are always marked by the use of sharp weapons, be they blunt objects, swords, machetes, even firearms. The information obtained many mengakana that most of the victims died due to sabetan saber / machete, collision premises hard objects, and so forth. In addition, the evidence that the riot in April 2000 was informed of six deaths caused by gunfire.
The fourth pattern is misunderstanding of information from both sides. In the first riots, it began with a fight between two young Muslims and Christians, who then blow up into a conflict of two religious groups. The second conflict stems from the fighting of two youth groups, and then the information says that the riots are riots with a religious background.
The conflicts of December 1998 and April 2000 tend to be simply called "tawuran", [3] Since the conflict was only triggered by inter-kampung youth clashes, the intensity and conflict areas were severely limited in a small subdistrict of the city. Group solidarity does exist, but it has not led to the desire to nullify other groups. In fact, after knowing that the cause of the clash is a booze, the clashing group had actually agreed to hold a joint alcoholic operation.
From May to June 2000 followed by July 2001 and November-December 2001 the conflict has indicated the characteristics of civil war. Conflict has led to the elimination of the existence of the opponent, evident from the reality of the murder of anyone, including women and children, who are considered part of the opponent. Strong group solidarity has been established through the ideologization of conflict based on religious and ethnic issues, so that the conflict becomes intensive (violent and victimized) and extensive (regional and perpetrator). Even contrary to the previous two conflicts that commonly use rocks and sharp weapons, since the third conflict in May 2000 they have used firearms, which continue into the fourth and fifth conflicts, as well as some sporadic "post-conflict" violence.
The Poso conflict has claimed thousands of lives as well as abandoned the difficult psychological trauma, apparently only fueled by trivial matters of youth fights. Solidarity of the group did appear in the riots, but the context is still pure around the world of teenagers, namely: the issue of alcohol, the issue of place of sinners. But it is this trivial matter that is finally exploited by political adventurers through the instrument of the issue of migrants vs. indigenous peoples crammed with a number of conflicting commodities in the form of socio-cultural, economic and political positions. Even the conflict was radicalized with a religious ideological pack, so the initial Poso conflict was just a brawl that turned into a civil war between the components of the nation.
The root causes of Poso conflict are complex. There is a contemporary issue, but there are also roots that connect to historical problems. In religious politics for example, the problem can be traced back to the Dutch colonial era which in the context of Poso facilitated the spread of Christianity in the form of financial support. The favor of the colonial government was not based on religious zeal, but rather on political interests, mainly because the action of indigenous dissent was generally mobilized by Islam.
The political religion of the colonial heritage has finally built two main images within Poso's political constellation: Poso is identical with the Christian community, and the bureaucracy in Poso has historically been predominantly Christian. However, in the era of religious fact independence, there was a process of inversion. If in 1938 the number of Poso Christians reached 41.7 percent, long stay 30s percent. [4] The 1997 data that Muslim Poso reached 62.33 percent, while Protestant Christian 34.78 percent and Catholic only 0.51 percent, plus the rest of Buddhism and Hinduism. [5]
This reversal process is not due to apostasy, but due to regional migration, so that the population composition shifts. In the context of Poso, the socio-economic and cultural political constellations are affected by the changing reality of the composition of this community, especially with the process of impoverishment among indigenous peoples. This process of impoverishment occurs both because of poverty culture and the fallacy of policy (structural poverty), such as the lunturnya obedience to ulayat land. The Sulawesi-Sulawesi road development from Palopo to Palu through Tentena and Poso has brought implications for the rapid migration of Muslim immigrants into the Christian base.
Bugis arrivals who have a strong trading culture quickly master the trading network. Bugis is considered to have strong Islamic loyalty, almost always building places of worship in every community they live in. This reality not only marks the shift of ethnic communities, but also in religious communities.
The fact of this religious community shift ultimately influenced the Poso political constellation. With the introduction of an educational program of the era of independence, educated Muslims emerged, and subsequently began to compete in the field of bureaucracy. This is where the politics of religious communities begin to play also in the world of personnel, among others: (1). Early Christian dominance began to be confronted with new rival Islam. (2). The strategic position originally dominated by Christianity, naturally occurs hand shifting. In this situation religious politics in the context of personnel bureaucracy began to pervade in the life of the people of Poso. The perspective of religious community in the context of bureaucratic political competition, the complete impact of the distribution of projects to people close,
From there it appears that the actors involved in the conflict are actually very complex involving elements of bureaucrats, economic actors, in addition to religious culture groups, which in turn involve also forces from outside Poso with all interests, ranging from the troops, apparatus security, bureaucrats at the provincial or central levels who take advantage of the Poso issue for the sake of interest.
0 comments:
Post a Comment